![]() ![]() It includes authors who write from realist, liberalist, critical, rationalist, culturalist, structuralist, and postcolonial perspectives, among others. Therefore, the existing literature has devoted significant attention to answering the following questions: How is a “rogue state” defined? How did the concept of “rogue states” evolve over time? How can the threat of “rogue states” be dealt with? The related literature focuses on a broad range of issues, from the objectivity of the designation to the efficacy of countermeasures against these states. However, this definition is problematic because the international community has consistently misapplied the criteria designating a rogue state and, in many cases, has effectively elevated the threat originating from these countries. In their simplest form, “rogue states” can be defined as aggressive states that seek to upset the balance of power of the international system either by acquiring weapons of mass destruction or by sponsoring international terrorism. The reason for that relates to the combined effect of transnational terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Since the end of the Cold War, the international community has become much more concerned about the threat of rogue states. Historically, rogue entities included countries like Russia, during the Bolshevik era, and South Africa during the Cold War. The concept of rogue states is by no means new. … Throughout the history of the discipline of international relations, these terms have been used to describe a small group of states that have been marginalized by the international community due to their aggressive behavior. “Outcasts,” “pariah states,” “outlaw states,” “rogue states,” “terrorist sponsor states,” “states of concern,” “axis of evil”. This argument is most fully developed within feminist scholarship however, research in the field of ethno-apolitical conflict has also highlighted the negative impact of domestic discrimination and violence on state behavior at the international level. This research adds to a growing body of scholarship in International Relations regarding the behavior of states involved in conflict, which demonstrates that states with higher levels of inequality, repression and violence exhibit higher levels of violence during international disputes and during international crises. Once we have identified rogue states, we perform logistic regression to predict whether rogue states are more likely to be the aggressors during international disputes - whether they are more likely to use force first during interstate conflict, controlling for other possible causes of state use of force. We combine measures of domestic gender equality, ethnic discrimination and state repression to identify characteristics of rogue states. We explore and define the concept of a `rogue' state based on a state's domestic patterns of behavior.
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